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Temat na forum 'Wiadomości' rozpoczęty przez kawador, 26 Listopad 2011.

  1. kawador

    kawador Merchant of Death Członek Załogi

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    http://wiadomosci.onet.pl/swiat/eksperc ... omosc.html
     
  2. CptKapital

    CptKapital Member

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    [​IMG]

    No... widać teraz, że czerwień na tej fladze to nie przypadek ;)
     
  3. Piter1489

    Piter1489 libnetoholik

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    Może oddajmy dzieci zaraz po urodzeniu, takie dziecko to tylko problem, rodzice będą mogli w spokoju oddać się przyjemnościom i pracy, szczególnie kobiety nie będą musiały przejmować narzuconej przez patriarchalny system roli matki. A ile się dzięki temu stworzy miejsc pracy (a przecież miejsca pracy są święte).

    [​IMG]
     
  4. kawador

    kawador Merchant of Death Członek Załogi

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    Ty wsteczniku! Ja proponuję tuż po zapłodnieniu oddawać kobiety pod opiekę rządowych specjalistów, które w specjalnych PRYWATNYCH, (NEO)LIBERALNYCH korporacyjnych laboratoriach będą żywione, pielęgnowane i podtrzymywane przy życiu, aby w przyszłości wydały na świat zdrowie, tolerancyjne dzieci bez uprzedzeń, gotowe do pracy w celu powiększania potęgi państwa i dla dobra społeczeństwa bezklasowego!
     
  5. Mad.lock

    Mad.lock barbarzyńsko-pogański stratego-decentralizm

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    Ty katolu! XD Ja proponuję wszystkie dzieci, zbliżające się do wieku dojrzewania, zamknąć, a następnie pobrać ich gamety, zamrozić je, a dzieci wysterylizować. Rozmnażanie powinno następować tylko z wyselekcjonowanych genów, oczywiście in vitro. Niestety na razie postęp naukowy zmusza nas do naturlanej ciąży, ale w przyszłości zostanie ona zabroniona.
     
  6. stormtrooper

    stormtrooper Guest

    Na poważnie to wszystko bardzo jest podobne do pomysłów Campanelli, gdzie w utopijnym Civitas Soli dzieci wychowywane były przez urzędników państwowych (a wcześniej ludzie przechodzili edukację seksualną między innymi faceci ćwicząc na starych dziwkach:p) i już później Fouriera - w ustroju opartym na falanstrach dzieci zabierane były rodzicom i wychowywane również przez urzędasów.
    Zresztą młode umysły kształtuje się najłatwiej dlatego istniało Hitlerjugend, Deutches Jungvolk i Bund Deutscher Mädel, dlatego też istnieli komunistyczni Pionierzy i Oktiabriata.
    A wszystko zaczęło się od spartańskiej agoge. :)
     
  7. FatBantha

    FatBantha sprzedawca niszowych etosów Członek Załogi

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    Tiaaa...

    Totalna hipokryzja! Kanada odmówiła przyjęcia białych uchodźców z Afryki
    24 września 2017
    Afrykanerzy, czyli biali mieszkających w RPA, są prześladowani ze względu na swój kolor skóry. Pewna rodzina chciała otrzymać z tego powodu azyl w Kanadzie, jednak ich wniosek został odrzucony.
    Eric i Sonia Endre są rolnikami w Republice Południowej Afryki, w kwietniu 2016 roku odwiedzili krewnych w Kanadzie wraz z dwójką dzieci i teściami.

    Dziesięć dni po przybyciu do Kanady rodzina postanowiła złożyć wniosek o azyl, w którym opisali liczne kradzieże i prześladowania w ich kraju ze względu na kolor skóry. Krótko mówiąc, byli okradani tylko dlatego, że są biali. Zjawisko rasizmu w RPA wobec białych mieszkańców jest dobrze znane od wielu lat, wielu farmerów uciekło z tego kraju.

    Wniosek został jednak odrzucony przez Kanadyjską Komisję ds. Imigracji i Uchodźców (IRB), która stwierdziła, że kradzieże i liczne próby kradzieży są wyłącznie motywowane warunkami ekonomicznymi, a nie rasą. Oni sami mieli być przypadkowymi ofiarami – czytamy na stronie Radia Canada International.

    Eric Endres wniósł apelację do sądu federalnego, mówiąc, że IRB nie uwzględniła zagrożenia dla dzieci. Odwołanie zostało odrzucone.

    No jeszcze czego! Żeby jacyś biali rasiści azyl mieli dostać!
     
    sabat, inho, GAZDA oraz 4 uzytkowników lubi to.
  8. FatBantha

    FatBantha sprzedawca niszowych etosów Członek Załogi

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    The Canada experiment: is this the world's first 'postnational' country?
    When Justin Trudeau said ‘there is no core identity, no mainstream in Canada’, he was articulating a uniquely Canadian philosophy that some find bewildering, even reckless – but could represent a radical new model of nationhood

    Charles Foran
    Wed 4 Jan 2017 12.00 GMT Last modified on Thu 27 Apr 2017 10.37 BST

    [​IMG]

    ‘Marshall McLuhan saw in Canada the raw materials for a dynamic new conception of nationhood.’ Illustration: Jacqui Oakley
    As 2017 begins, Canada may be the last immigrant nation left standing. Our government believes in the value of immigration, as does the majority of the population. We took in an estimated 300,000 newcomers in 2016, including 48,000 refugees, and we want them to become citizens; around 85% of permanent residents eventually do. Recently there have been concerns about bringing in single Arab men, but otherwise Canada welcomes people from all faiths and corners. The greater Toronto area is now the most diverse city on the planet, with half its residents born outside the country; Vancouver, Calgary, Ottawa and Montreal aren’t far behind. Annual immigration accounts for roughly 1% of the country’s current population of 36 million.

    Canada has been over-praised lately for, in effect, going about our business as usual. In 2016 such luminaries as US President Barack Obama and Bono, no less, declared “the world needs more Canada”. In October, the Economist blared “Liberty Moves North: Canada’s Example to the World” on its cover, illustrated by the Statue of Liberty haloed in a maple leaf and wielding a hockey stick. Infamously, on the night of the US election Canada’s official immigration website crashed, apparently due to the volume of traffic.

    Of course, 2016 was also the year – really the second running – when many western countries turned angrily against immigration, blaming it for a variety of ills in what journalist Doug Saunders calls the “global reflex appeal to fear”. Alongside the rise of nativism has emerged a new nationalism that can scarcely be bothered to deny its roots in racial identities and exclusionary narratives.

    Compared to such hard stances, Canada’s almost cheerful commitment to inclusion might at first appear almost naive. It isn’t. There are practical reasons for keeping the doors open. Starting in the 1990s, low fertility and an aging population began slowing Canada’s natural growth rate. Ten years ago, two-thirds of population increase was courtesy of immigration. By 2030, it is projected to be 100%.

    The economic benefits are also self-evident, especially if full citizenship is the agreed goal. All that “settlers” – ie, Canadians who are not indigenous to the land – need do is look in the mirror to recognize the generally happy ending of an immigrant saga. Our government repeats it, our statistics confirm it, our own eyes and ears register it: diversity fuels, not undermines, prosperity.

    Telling an Italian or French citizen they lack a “core identity” may not be the best vote-winning strategy

    But as well as practical considerations for remaining an immigrant country, Canadians, by and large, are also philosophically predisposed to an openness that others find bewildering, even reckless. The prime minister, Justin Trudeau, articulated this when he told the New York Times Magazine that Canada could be the “first postnational state”. He added: “There is no core identity, no mainstream in Canada.”

    The remark, made in October 2015, failed to cause a ripple – but when I mentioned it to Michael Bach, Germany’s minister for European affairs, who was touring Canada to learn more about integration, he was astounded. No European politician could say such a thing, he said. The thought was too radical.

    For a European, of course, the nation-state model remains sacrosanct, never mind how ill-suited it may be to an era of dissolving borders and widespread exodus. The modern state – loosely defined by a more or less coherent racial and religious group, ruled by internal laws and guarded by a national army – took shape in Europe. Telling an Italian or French citizen they lack a “core identity” may not be the best vote-winning strategy.

    To Canadians, in contrast, the remark was unexceptional. After all, one of the country’s greatest authors, Mavis Gallant, once defined a Canadian as “someone with a logical reason to think he may be one” – not exactly a ringing assertion of a national character type. Trudeau could, in fact, have been voicing a chronic anxiety among Canadians: the absence of a shared identity.

    But he wasn’t. He was outlining, however obliquely, a governing principle about Canada in the 21st century. We don’t talk about ourselves in this manner often, and don’t yet have the vocabulary to make our case well enough. Even so, the principle feels right. Odd as it may seem, Canada may finally be owning our postnationalism.

    There’s more than one story in all this. First and foremost, postnationalism is a frame to understand our ongoing experiment in filling a vast yet unified geographic space with the diversity of the world. It is also a half-century old intellectual project, born of the country’s awakening from colonial slumber. But postnationalism has also been in intermittent practise for centuries, since long before the nation-state of Canada was formalised in 1867. In some sense, we have always been thinking differently about this continent-wide landmass, using ideas borrowed from Indigenous societies. From the moment Europeans began arriving in North America they were made welcome by the locals, taught how to survive and thrive amid multiple identities and allegiances.

    That welcome was often betrayed, in particular during the late 19th and 20th centuries, when settler Canada did profound harm to Indigenous people. But, if the imbalance remains, so too does the influence: the model of another way of belonging.


    [​IMG]


    Mavis Gallant once defined a Canadian as ‘someone with a logical reason to think he may be one’. Illustration: Jacqui Oakley
     
  9. FatBantha

    FatBantha sprzedawca niszowych etosów Członek Załogi

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    Can any nation truly behave “postnationally” – ie without falling back on the established mechanisms of state governance and control? The simple answer is no.

    Canada has borders, where guards check passports, and an army. It asserts the occasional modest territorial claim. Trudeau is more aware than most of these mechanisms: he oversees them.

    It can also be argued that Canada enjoys the luxury of thinking outside the nation-state box courtesy of its behemoth neighbour to the south. The state needn’t defend its borders too forcefully or make that army too large, and Canada’s economic prosperity may be as straightforward as continuing to do 75% of its trade with the US. Being liberated, the thinking goes, from the economic and military stresses that most other countries face gives Canada the breathing room, and the confidence, to experiment with more radical approaches to society. Lucky us.

    Nor is there uniform agreement within Canada about being post-anything. When the novelist Yann Martel casually described his homeland as “the greatest hotel on earth,” he meant it as a compliment – but some read it as an endorsement of newcomers deciding to view Canada as a convenient waystation: a security, business or real-estate opportunity, with no lasting responsibilities attached.

    Likewise, plenty of Canadians believe we possess a set of normative values, and want newcomers to prove they abide by them. Kellie Leitch, who is running for the leadership of the Conservative party, suggested last autumn that we screen potential immigrants for “anti-Canadian values.” A minister in the previous Conservative government, Chris Alexander, pledged in 2015 to set up a tip-line for citizens to report “barbaric cultural practises”. And in the last election, the outgoing prime minister, Stephen Harper, tried in vain to hamstring Trudeau’s popularity by confecting a debate about the hijab.

    To add to the mix, the French-speaking province of Quebec already constitutes one distinctive nation, as do the 50-plus First Nations spread across the country. All have their own perspectives and priorities, and may or may not be interested in a postnational frame. (That said, Trudeau is a bilingual Montrealer, and Quebec a vibrantly diverse society.)

    Can any nation truly behave 'postnationally' – ie without state governance and control? The simple answer is no

    In short, the nation-state of Canada, while wrapped in less bunting than other global versions, is still recognisable. But postnational thought is less about hand-holding in circles and shredding passports. It’s about the use of a different lens to examine the challenges and precepts of an entire politics, economy and society.

    Though sovereign since 1867, Canada lingered in the shadow of the British empire for nearly a century. Not until the 1960s did we fly our own flag and sing our own anthem, and not until 1982 did Trudeau’s father, Pierre, patriate the constitution from the UK, adding a charter of rights. He also introduced multiculturalism as official national policy. The challenge, then, might have seemed to define a national identity to match.

    This was never going to be easy, given our colonial hangover and American cultural influence. Marshall McLuhan, one of the last century’s most seismic thinkers, felt we shouldn’t bother. “Canada is the only country in the world that knows how to live without an identity,” he said in 1963.

    According to poet and scholar BW Powe, McLuhan saw in Canada the raw materials for a dynamic new conception of nationhood, one unshackled from the state’s “demarcated borderlines and walls, its connection to blood and soil,” its obsession with “cohesion based on a melting pot, on nativist fervor, the idea of the promised land”. Instead, the weakness of the established Canadian identity encouraged a plurality of them – not to mention a healthy flexibility and receptivity to change. Once Canada moved away from privileging denizens of the former empire to practising multiculturalism, it could become a place where “many faiths and histories and visions” would co-exist.

    That’s exactly what happened. If McLuhan didn’t see how Chinese, Japanese, Ukrainian and later Italian, Greek and Eastern European arrivals underpinned the growth of Canada in that sleepy first century, he surely registered before his death in 1980 the positive impact of successive waves of South Asians, Vietnamese and Caribbean immigrants. The last several decades have been marked by an increasingly deep diversity, particularly featuring mainland Chinese, Indians and Filipinos.

    Others have expanded on McLuhan’s insight. The writer and essayist John Ralston Saul (co-founder of the charity for which I work) calls Canada a “revolutionary reversal of the standard nation-state myth”, and ascribes much of our radical capacity – not a term you often hear applied to Canadians – to our application of the Indigenous concept of welcome. “Space for multiple identities and multiple loyalties,” he says of these philosophies, the roots of which go deep in North American soil, “for an idea of belonging which is comfortable with contradictions.”

    How unique is any of this? Ralston Saul argues that Canada’s experiment is “perpetually incomplete”. In other countries, a sovereignty movement like Quebec’s might have led to bloodshed. Instead, aside from a brief period of violent separatist agitation culminating in kidnappings and a murder in 1970, Canada and Quebec have been in constant compromise mode, arguing at the ballot box and finding ways to accommodate. Canada’s incomplete identity is, in this sense, a positive, a spur to move forward without spilling blood, to keep thinking and evolving – perhaps, in the end, simply to respond to newness without fear.

    We’re still working on the language. The same Canadian who didn’t appreciate being told he has no identity might rankle at being called a citizen of an “incomplete” nation. The American and European citizen, too, may find all this chatter about inclusion and welcome ethereal, if not from another planet given the events of 2016, in which the US elected an authoritarian whose main policy plank was building a wall, Britain voted to leave the EU in large part to control immigration, and rightwing political parties gleefully hostile to diversity may soon form national governments, including in France.

    None of this raw populism is going away in 2017, especially as it gets further irritated by the admittedly formidable global challenge of how to deal with unprecedented numbers of people crossing national borders, with or without visas. But denial, standing your nativist ground, doing little or nothing to evolve your society in response to both a crisis and, less obviously, an opportunity: these are reactions, not actions, and certain to make matters worse.

    If the pundits are right that the world needs more Canada, it is only because Canada has had the history, philosophy and possibly the physical space to do some of that necessary thinking about how to build societies differently. Call it postnationalism, or just a new model of belonging: Canada may yet be of help in what is guaranteed to be the difficult year to come.

    Charles Foran is a novelist and the CEO of the Institute for Canadian Citizenship
     
  10. FatBantha

    FatBantha sprzedawca niszowych etosów Członek Załogi

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    Chyba rzeczywiście udało im się osiągnąć swój cel.

    Most Canadians feel society is ‘broken’, politicians don’t care about them: Ipsos poll
    By Kerri Breen Global News
    Posted September 6, 2019 8:10 am

    Updated September 6, 2019 9:21 am
    The majority of Canadians think politicians aren’t concerned with people like them and experts don’t understand them.

    They say society is “broken” and the economy is rigged in favour of elites.

    That’s according to the findings of a new Ipsos poll, which shows that populist attitudes — as well as nativist (or anti-immigrant) sentiments — have gained new ground in Canada.

    The results, released Thursday, provide a suggestion as to what political leaders could be facing from voters as they attempt to woo them in the upcoming federal election.

    Darrell Bricker, CEO of Ipsos, said that the general sentiments “create a series of difficulties for all the parties.”

    “It’s not like one party is seen as a specific solution to any of this or specifically tapping into this,” he said. “What it is, is that it creates a different context for everybody that’s out there.”


    [​IMG]

    The survey results, provided exclusively to Global News among Canadian outlets, were gathered at the end of March and early April.

    They were collected as part of a poll that included 27 countries.

    Sixty-one per cent of Canadian respondents agreed traditional political parties don’t care about people like them ⁠— an increase of five points over polling done in 2016, the first year of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau‘s mandate.

    [​IMG]

    Just over half of respondents (52 per cent) agreed that society is “broken” — an increase of 15 points over three years ago. (On the other hand, 19 per cent said they disagree, while 28 per cent were neutral and 1 per cent said they don’t know.)


    Bricker said that while the trends shown in the report have been building over time, that result in particular could have a connection to a political scandal that has dogged the Trudeau government.

    “One wonders if that was specifically related to what happened on SNC-Lavalin,” said Bricker, who suggested future survey results could provide an indication whether the blip was temporary or not.

    Two-thirds of respondents believe the economy is rigged to benefit the rich — up eight points since 2016.



    The poll also found that 41 per cent of respondents believed immigrants are taking away crucial social services from what the poll called “real” Canadians ⁠— a six-point increase from 2016. (Thirty-four per cent, however, said they disagree).

    [​IMG]

    So, what’s fuelling the shift toward populism?


    Politics, Bricker said, has become more “tribal” and the distribution of political support has changed in Canada.

    “You have a lot of stuff here where it’s the downtown Laurentian elite versus everybody else,” he said.

    “If I broke this out and took at look at where these feelings are the strongest, they would be outside of the downtowns of the cities, so that cleavage has been created. Also when you get to Western Canada, the feelings are much stronger,” he said.

    [​IMG]

    These are the findings of a survey conducted in 27 countries via Global Advisor, the online survey platform of Ipsos, between March 22 and April 5, 2019. The sample consists of 1,000+ individuals in each of Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Spain, and the U.S., and of 500+ individuals in each of the other countries surveyed.


    The data is weighted so each country’s sample composition best reflects the demographic profile of its adult population according to the most recent census data, and to give each country an equal weight in the total “global” sample.

    The precision of online surveys conducted on Global Advisor is measured using a Bayesian Credibility Interval. Here, the poll has a credibility interval of +/-3.5 percentage points for countries where the sample is 1,000.


    © 2019 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.
     
  11. Fraans

    Fraans Member

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